Sunday, July 10, 2011

Royal Australian Navy formed

King George V, of Great Britain, granted the title of "Royal" for the Royal Australian Navy (RAN) and its Permanent Commonwealth Naval Forces (CNF) and the Royal Australian Naval Reserve.  Rear Admiral Sir William Rooke Creswell CNF,  was Australia's first Admiral to occupy the position, and would maintain the rank of Chief of Navy throughout WWI.

Under the Naval Defense Act of 1912, in the event of war, The Royal Australian Navy would be led by the British Royal Navy. The RAN would become the Australia Squadron of the Royal Navy with all ships and personnel under the direct control of the British Admiralty.


The new units of the Royal Australian Navy

Saturday, July 9, 2011

New York Times presents the backdrop for the Agadir crisis

MOROCCO INVOLVES POWERS FROM TANGIER TO BAGDAD

Germany Cancels Her Agreement with France Concerning the Western Bulwark 
of Islam --- England Behind France, Berlin Aroused

By Stephen Bonsal. The Moroccan imbroglio is interesting from many points of view. Perhaps the most interesting is the belief held by so many foreign offices and editorial studies that all the bother and pother is really not about Morocco at all, but about the Balkans and the railway or Monsieur (Théophile) Del Cassé's return to public life; for it is by such indirect ways as these, unknown to our so slightly held shirt-sleeve diplomacy, that European statesmen proceed upon that terrible business in which the lives of so many millions of people - mere food for powder - are involved.

It was only yesterday (July 8) that Maximillian Harden, the great Berlin editor, announced that Germany had renounced all political pretensions of Morocco and would content herself with the open door, and his pronouncement, which seemed to inaugurate and era of good feeling that would soon overpass the limited sphere of the Moroccan question, was received by all the Western powers with much enthusiasm. For it is not forgotten by them, if it is by us, who only took part in a platonic and academic way in the Algeciras Conference, that six years have barely elapsed since France and Germany, or rather the two great groups of powers respectively associated with them, were about to fly at each other's throats, seemingly for the sake of Morocco - that decrepit kingdom, the last Western and wasting fragment of the once great Mohammedan Empire.

However this laboriously-built-up quarrel which many think had no very deep roots in real national interests, was composed. At first here was the Algeciras Conference, and later the Franco-German agreement which, to the minds of some optimists, settled the vexatious matter for all time. Germany, it was understood as a result of the agreement,  gave France a free hand in the military and political sense. She would acquiesce in any arrangement France saw fit to make with the unfortunate Sultans who had been succeeding one another on the throne of Malai Edriss in such kaleidoscopic succession. She was apparently perfectly agreeable to any regime in Morocco so long as her commercial interests in the country - not very important at the moment, but of great potential value - were safeguarded.

Not three years have passed since this apparently happy arrangement was made, and the fat is in the fire again. German public opinion is, or seems to be, terribly excited because of the dispatch by the French of a flying column to Fez, where it is feared, at least in Paris, that the officers of her military mission in that last citadel of Islam are in danger of meeting the fate of Gordon at Khartoum; certain it is that the rebellious tribes are on the warpath, and the little Sultan is powerless to keep them in check. A large fraction of the German press is  greatly vexed, and those papers that are supposed to be in closest touch with the German Foreign Minister do not hesitate to give the lie direct to  French assurances. They assure that the French Embassador has been talked to very solemnly by Herr von Schoen; that the German Foreign Office is convinced, and has not hesitated to say so, that nothing worth protecting in Morocco is in danger; that there is no sign of anarchy - that is, not more than is usual in this trouble-ridden country; that no European lives are in jeopardy, and that the probable fate of Fez and its European colony, militarily as well as civil, should excite no misgivings.

The German press, divided on the other questions, is united in saying that the situation is one without danger, except from the fear of unconsidered action on the part of France. "France is not merely trying to pacify the country," say the wise editors, "but she is hoodwinking Europe while she seeks to 'Tunisize' it."

Even in the Prussian Chamber Deputies the Moroccan bogey has been trotted out again and Herman von Rath, who is described as having served many years in the German diplomatic service, announces amid great applause that the facts of the situation contradict the conciliatory words of the French Foreign Office. He announces that France has not respected either the letter or the spirit pf the Algeciras agreement, consequently, Germany is released from her obligations incurred under this treaty, and that a free hand is restored to her which should be actively used for the preservation of such German interests in the country as have not been destroyed by French control.

Herr Von Rath denounces the dispatch of the flying column of French calvary to Fez as merely a pretext for her scheme of military interpenetration of Morocco. He says the German policy should be somewa=hat as follows and while, of course, the policy represents only a deputy's point of view, it has been received with such popular favor that it may at any moment be taken up by the Government as its own. He does not believe that the rebellion in Morocco is dangerous, or that anarchy is near; but, if he is mistaken, he says let the rebellion be crushed and order restored by French troops. Then let us, we Germans, insist upon the Shereefian sway being restored independently of any single power, and that it then be supervised and influenced, so far as possible, by the totality of the States which are commercially interested there, France not being allowed to put forward any special claim. France, as well as other countries, has often pulled the chestnuts out of the fire. But probably never has this been done after such fair warning has been given that he of the burnt paw is not allowed to enjoy the savory nut!

The facts of the Moroccan crisis, in so far as they have to deal with the Moroccan situation and not with the Bagdad railway or with Monsieur Delcassé, are embodied in the Franco-German agreement, which was signed in 1909 by Von Schoen, representing Germany, and Jules Gambon, representing France. In this exchange of notes the Imperial German Government acknowledged explicitly France's special rights in Morocco, the exercise of which, of course, is only possible in the tranquil, and not in a disorderly Sultanate; and it was certainly understood that Germany would not seek to handicap France in any measures it might be found necessary to take for the preservation of her interests and those of the other powers concerned. From the agreement that was reached, it is clear that Germany admitted at this time she possessed only economic interests in Morocco, and that, consequently, France is bound only to bestow upon German commerce and industry the same rights and the same protection that are bestowed upon every other nation doing business in the country. This treaty of 1909 was certainly a far reaching concession on the part of Germany toward France, and, as was suspected at the time though never definitely known, France paid heavily for her free hand in Morocco by concessions in other quarters. In view of the agreement, it seemed certain that the Emperor of Germany had completely abandoned the nagging policy toward France in Morocco, which had been pursued for so many years anterior to the Algeciras agreement. The only problem that the Moroccan question seemed still to contain was weather the French policy of peaceful penetration would be crowned with success and Morocco become a Gallic dependency without passing through the preliminary stage of long-drawn-out guerrilla warfare on the Algerian frontier and in the Atlas fastnesses. This dream is now rudely dispelled. Germany interferes again in Morocco. She sends the Panther, that stormy petrel of Germany's overseas policy which has raise trouble in Hayti and in Venezuela, and now again appears at Agadir, Morocco's open roadstead on the Atlantic Coast which, however, gives access to the rich Moorish province of the Sus.

Thursday, July 7, 2011

Having shown her hand in sending the gunboat Panther to Agadir, Morocco, Germany is awaiting the action of France, which, it is expected, will be taken only after consultations with Great Britain and Russia.

Tuesday, July 5, 2011

Turkey began military preparations to suppress a revolt in Montenegro

July 5, 1911: From the New York Times news sources:

TURKEY PREPARES FOR WAR.
But Officials Affect to Believe Montenegro is Bluffing.

CONSTANTINOPLE, July 5.— Preparations have been advance a further stage for the general mobilization of Turkish troops, in view of the continued refusal of the rebellious Albanians to surrender and of the activity of the Montenegrin forces along the frontier.
The Government officials at the same time continue to express optimism regarding an ultimate peaceful outcome. They assert that the Montenegrin Government is bluffing. The recall of the Turkish Minister at Cettinje is considered not probable.

from the Toronto World: 
VIENNA, July 5. — Telegrams received here to-say from Centije, the capital of Montenegro, say that King Nicholas is sending 7000 troops to patrol the border passes and prevent the Albanian rebels from entering Montenegro. The king declares his intentions are entirely pacific, and that he will keep peace as long as he is not attacked.


BUDAPEST, July, 5. — Premier Count Khuen von Hedervary, speaking in the lower house to-day, said that the powers closely associated with the Albanian question had come to an agreement for the purpose of bringing about a solution. He believed therefore that no differences were likely to arise that would result in a war.

Monday, July 4, 2011

SMS Berlin Deployed/ Cartoons of Moroccan Crisis

July 4, 1911:  On this date, the German Foreign Office announces that the recently arrived gunboat SMS Panther, into the port of Agadir, on the Moroccan Atlantic Coast, will be relived by the much larger cruiser SMS Berlin. The Berlin is three times larger that the Panther. The German response is to the deployment of French and Spanish forces to quell an uprising against the Moroccan Sultan. The move by German is in an attempt to prevent a land-grab by the French, further isolating Germany in what they considered another act of encirclement.

As these events play out, the world press presents a more humorous aspect to characterize the Moroccan Crisis of 1911

Sunday, July 3, 2011

Moroccan Crisis Deepens

July 3, 1911: On this date, the German gunboat SMS Panther reaches Agadir. There is fear that Germany may use this port to establish an Atlantic base.

From the New York Times dated July 3:
"Having shown her hand in sending the gunboat Panther to Agadir, Morocco, Germany is awaiting the action of France, which, it is expected, will be taken only after consultations with Great Britain and Russia.
It is hoped here that the step taken by the German Foreign Office will lead to a general discussion of the Moroccan situation by the four principally interested powers, through which discussion the question will be definitely settled. Otherwise the Germans will remain in Morocco until the Franco-Spanish expeditions have been withdrawn. A general European conference is not expected.
France thus far has confined her comment as an expression of "disagreeable surprise" over the dispatch of the Panther."

In the English House of Commons, prime minister Herbert Henry Asquith when asked by Lord John Lyttelton, who will fight in Gallipoli, responds:
Mr. LYTTELTON
May I ask the Prime Minister whether there is any information which he can usefully give to the House with regard to the reported action of Germany in Morocco?

  Mr. ASQUITH
Perhaps the right hon. Gentleman will kindly postpone the question until to-morrow.
The response is consistent with the prime minister's outlook on foreign and war time affairs.

Saturday, July 2, 2011

World Stands Aghast at Albanian Atrocities

 July 2, 1911: The New York Times publishes a detailed account of the atrocities against Albanians. Just days after the region's tour by Sultan Mehmed V, the plight of the Albanians, seeking independence from the Ottoman Empire, was presented to the American public. Descriptions of Ottoman actions to control the Albanian uprising, with the subtitle, "Massacre and Pillage by the Young Turks in their War to Curtail the Province's Ancient Rights Rival the Awful Scenes of Horror in Bulgaria and Armenia", offer great insight into what actions the failing Empire would take against rebellious ethnic groups in the Balkan War of 1912, as well as the massacres of World War I. The title hearkens to the brutal suppression of the Armenians in the late 1890's, where an estimated 100,000 or more Armenian citizens were slaughtered.

Faik Bey Konitza was a primary focal point in the article, as he sought to raise funds for the Albanian nationalists, from an estimated 30,000 Albanians in the U.S. as well as immigrated Greeks and other regional ethnic groups, "inclined to look with favor on anyone fighting against the Turks"

"In the three years that this insurrection has been going on", the famous Albanian writer Konitza recounted, "over three hundred Albanian villages have been destroyed by the Turks". From ten to fifteen thousand of my fellow countrymen have been massacred - seven hundred of them children. Fifty thousand men, women and children are starving to death - the crops have been laid to waste by the Turks."

In one particularly chilling statement, "...the Albanian women would rather commit suicide than fall into the hands of the enemy. For the young Turks are morally decadent, and only one fate awaits the women captives."

Just a few years earlier the Albanians had hope the the Young Turks take over of the Ottoman Empire would lead to less repression. However, the new leaders reneged on their promise to give regional ethnic groups more autonomy and became as repressive as any previous regime.